by Louise Devillers Taiwan is next on the list. The People’s Republic of China dreams about finally submitting Taiwan to their « One country, two systems ». What if president Ma Ying-jeou were the man enabling China to take over Taiwan? How is it that Hong Kong’s political turmoil is considered as an isolated case and not the antidemocratic pandemic which is publicly spread by the People’s Republic of China? The «Umbrella Revolution», an overview
A restrictive framework for electoral reform targeting Hong Kong’s Chief Executive has been introduced to the population. This political move initiated by PRC’s leaders restricts, although through the use of universal suffrage, the number of candidates. The politicians who run are to be carefully selected by a committee constituted of 1200 Grand Electors. In a nutshell, Hong Kong multi-party system is traded against 2 or 3 names whispered by the ruling Chinese Communist Party. China has finally taken a step into Hong Kong’s political regression. Made public at the end of August 2014, Hong Kong deputies will hold a vote in Spring 2015. Two third of the Legislative Council’s votes are required for the new voting system to pass. Since September 27 and 28, people have begun to gather in public places, rebelling against this infringement to their political rights. The use of tear gas by police forces against students and activists triggered the need for protestors to convert their umbrellas into shields, thus renaming the Hong Kong protests as the «Umbrella Revolution». The «unreachable» Taiwan? Is Taiwan really inviolable when talking about its domestic democratic politics? Politicians can reassure themselves by repeating that, indeed, Hong Kong’s and Taiwan’s legal status are far from being identical. Hong Kong is known as China’s «Special Administrative Region», therefore falling under PRC’s sovereignty. The «one country» principle precedes here the «two systems» one. Hong Kong’s autonomy can only emanate from Beijing. Nonetheless, Hong Kong’s political structure is characterized by numerous democratic traits: freedom of the press, a justice department independent from the government, liberal political culture, no official representation of the Chinese Communist Party, and a multiparty voting system in place for more than 20 years. Taiwan is just like Hong Kong: fearing China’s interference into inner political affairs, but too dependent on the world economy to resist the Chinese market. The Kuomintang’s decision to force the passing of the Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement with Beijing is an example of Taiwan’s economic vulnerability. Nonetheless, Taiwan’s disadvantage does not come from an economic gap between the two countries, but from Taiwan’s isolated position in world diplomacy. It is therefore jeopardizing its political sovereignty for tighter economic links. Hong Kong has been used as a model for mainland China to demonstrate to Taiwan’s leaders what the «One country, two systems» policy actually is. What could happen to Taiwan if it were to fall under Chinese rule? Most likely, the Taiwan political system, the justice system and the armed forces would remain in the hands of local leaders, but Taiwan would no longer be the «Republic of China» or have any foreign affairs. Knowing that China is not a democracy itself, we can seriously question the feasibility of this hypothetical consensus. President Ma Ying-jeou’s role in the Taiwan-Mainland economic rapprochement Taiwan’s Sunflower movement reveals the absence of consideration toward the most simple democratic process: decision is made in accordance with the people and not against their will. Is this breach in Taiwan’s political structure directly linked to the person of President Ma Ying-jeou? Taiwan’s current president is known as the mentee of Chiang Ching-kuo, son of Chiang Kai-shek and Taiwan’s authoritarian leader from 1978 to 1988. Moreover, Ma’s landslide victory during the presidential elections of 2008 (2,2 million votes ahead of the Democratic Progressive Party) and the Kuomintang’s overwhelming majority in Parliament have given President Ma Ying-jeou a political power similar to the one possessed by KMT leaders during Taiwan’s authoritarian past. This kind of political culture led to the hasty vote of KMT deputies on March 17 to passing the Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement (the decision was made after the first reading). This triggered students’ occupation of the Legislative Yuan. Taiwan’s current government has, over the years, monopolized the relationship with mainland China. Civil society was no longer invited to participate in debates implying Taiwan’s economic dependence toward the PRC, leading eventually to the end of Taiwan’s self-rule. The authoritarian political culture rooted in the Kuomintang way of governing is not the only reason for Taiwan’s crumbling democracy. The political turmoil opposing the Chinese Communist Party and the Kuomintang was finally put to an end in 2005 when KMT president Lien Chan went on an official visit to mainland China. The CCP became an ally, while Taiwanese independence activists were the new objects of a witch hunt. The reconciliation materialized in Taiwan political life when former mainland Chinese were promoted to the government’s key posts, marking the beginning of the so- called «re-continentalization» phenomenon. From Ma’s election onwards, 21 economic and non-political agreements have been signed between the two countries. What exactly is president Ma Ying-jeou looking for? The Kuomintang continues to envision its comeback to the mainland’s political scene where bipartite elections would be held, thus Taiwan’s leading party becoming the CCP’s competitor. Having lost his popularity in the Chinese Republic, may president Ma be thinking about reconquering the electors on a broader scale? Civil disobedience, Hong Kong the next Taiwan? Hong Kong’s Occupy Central movement is not an anti-mainland China protest, as Taiwan is renowned for. Nevertheless, Hong Kong Civil protests are deeply rooted in social movements in Taiwanese history. The Republic of China’s most famous social movements were the ones taking place in the 1980s-90s, when people’s uprising targeted democratic goals. What if social movements were of an «infectious» nature, starting with the 1989 Tiananmen Square upheaval, and triggering Taiwan’s 1990 «Wild Lily» student movement? Is the circle coming back around? Beijing is aware of this porosity and acts accordingly. Hong Kong and Taiwan are prevented from nurturing deeper links. China has made sure of that by making everything «non-official». Hence, China’s defensive reaction makes Taiwan’s influence over Hong Kong even more real. To Ma Ying-jeou’s non-consideration of the people of Taiwan, the answer has been «You have no choice but to address the matter to us, as this country is ours.» Democracy is safe and sound in today’s political generation’s hands. Let’s just ensure that the next generations will be as politically aware as the sunflower one. Hong Kong’s current infringement of its political rights remind us of the fragility of democracy and civil liberties. And to the People’s Republic of China, let’s ask: «From what would you benefit the most: the surrender of a government or the surrender of a people?». a
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The Taida Student Journal has been active since 1995 with an ever-changing roster of student journalists at NTU. Click the above link to read about the authors Archives
May 2024
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